Interpositive Warfare

In war, an action can accomplish its immediate purpose while simultaneously altering the surrounding environment in ways that strengthen, weaken, reverse, or transform the original success.

Take counterinsurgency, or COIN, as an example. The United States employed COIN extensively in Iraq and Afghanistan. Its immediate purpose was often to secure territory and protect the population from insurgent activity. In the process, forces gathered intelligence, identified and removed insurgents, and attempted to build relationships with local communities. One operation could accomplish all of these objectives and therefore appear successful.

However, that same operation could also generate resentment, dependency, political distortion, and further resistance. Resentment could arise simply because foreign forces were present, regardless of whether they intended to protect the population. Local groups that allied with those forces could also become dependent on their protection, money, intelligence, or logistical support. Once that happened, they might struggle to operate or maintain their political position without outside assistance.

This dependency could then produce political distortion. Alliances were fragile. A tribe might cooperate with American forces against one enemy while remaining hostile toward another tribe that was also cooperating with them. A local ally could therefore become connected to a network of rivalries and obligations that extended well beyond the immediate operation. The question was no longer simply who supported the counterinsurgency effort, but why they supported it, whom they opposed, and what they expected to gain.

Over time, these relationships could generate further resistance. While American forces might not initially feel the brunt of that resistance, it could eventually turn against them. It might begin as an intertribal conflict, in which support for one group could indirectly alienate another, turning a local rivalry into resistance against the outside force itself. An operation might secure an area, remove insurgents, and protect part of the population while simultaneously remodeling the surrounding environment in ways that create new enemies, strengthen old rivalries, or transform the original success. Successful distortion is risky.

An interpositive is a positive image printed directly from the original camera negative. In simple terms, the original image is reproduced as a copy. That copy resembles the original, but it is no longer the original itself.

Defining Interpositive Warfare

Warfare comes from human decisions. Humans interpret, implement, manipulate, and respond to everything involved. Technology does not choose its objective; humans determine its purpose and how it will be used. Terrain does not formulate strategy, but it can redirect human action. Institutions are also made up of people making decisions, and those decisions shape what happens next.

Interpositive warfare shares a basic premise with praxeology: war begins with purposeful human action. The difference is that interpositive warfare is concerned not only with the intention behind an action, but with what happens after that action passes through human relationships, political institutions, and the wider environment of war. Along the way, the original intention is filtered and transformed.

Effects Are Recursive

A response not only changes the conditions under which the next action is planned and understood, but may also manipulate them. The process is not merely a linear exchange of action and reaction. Instead, it frequently returns to the past, reinterprets it through the present, and carries that altered understanding into the future.

In a linear model, action produces reaction, and the past provides a fixed baseline. In a recursive model, action and reaction form a continuing loop. The event remains fixed in the past, but its meaning changes as actors reinterpret it. Control therefore produces not only an intended result but also an emergent transformation that shapes what follows.

Success Can Produce Its Own Negation

An action may succeed according to its immediate measurement while producing consequences that weaken the larger objective. A tactical success can create operational difficulties. An operational success can produce strategic failure. Political success can also create future military liabilities.

Effects Can Be Delayed or Indirect

As for effects, they may return through memory, resentment, institutional behavior, doctrine, ideological change, economic dependency or lack thereof, and technological adaptation. While some of these may not appear in the current generation, they may appear in the next. In either case, the original action need not produce an immediate or direct response. It may simply nudge events in a particular direction, leaving later actors to carry the effect forward without recognizing where it began.

Actors Transform and Reposition Relationships

Whether it is soldiers, commanders, civilians, government workers, media organizations, allies, enemies, or institutions, they do not merely react; they interpret, transform, and retransmit effects. Think of it this way: improvise, adapt, and overcome.

Lastly, there are relationships. An action changes not only the actors involved but also the relationships among them. Once again, think of praxeology, the study of human action. Every interaction produces a response, which then produces another. The result is a chain reaction. Watch people moving through a crowded mall, constantly adjusting their paths to avoid colliding with one another. Each person’s movement causes others to reposition themselves.

Warfare operates in much the same manner. Allies may become less dependable. Populations may become hostile. Who needs conspiracies when you have bureaucracies growing defensive? Meanwhile, enemies may adapt in unexpected directions. Every action repositions the relationships surrounding it, changing how the actors respond to one another and what they may do next.

Multi-Domain and Systems Models

Land, maritime, air, space, cyberspace, physical, informational, and human categories remain useful for organization, planning, and analysis. The problem begins when these analytical categories are treated as independent parts of reality.

Multi-domain models generally show effects moving across or between domains. Interpositive warfare asks how those exchanges transform the actors, relationships, institutions, and boundaries through which later action must pass. The boxes do not merely exchange effects. The boxes themselves, and the people who operate through them, are altered by the exchange.

Think of the Columbian Exchange. It did not simply transfer people, goods, diseases, and ideas between otherwise unchanged worlds; it transformed the worlds involved.

Linear and Geometric Assumptions

A diagram captures the structure of a particular moment, but it cannot represent the transformation that follows. Interpositive warfare focuses on the organized chaos beyond the diagram: one action creates a vacancy, the opening passes through intermediaries, and the entire field rearranges itself—rather like a line of hermit crabs exchanging shells.

Distinctions from Existing Concepts

Interpositive warfare overlaps with many concepts, but it is not identical to any of them. Its purpose is not to replace established military theories, but to identify a particular feature of war. That feature is the study of human action and the institutions through which it operates, both on and off the battlefield.

Second- and Third-Order Effects

Second- and third-order effects describe consequences that extend beyond the immediate result of an action. A tactical decision may produce a cascade of operational, strategic, political, or social consequences that were neither intended nor immediately visible. In other words, blowback.

Interpositive warfare is built for these consequences but places greater emphasis on the process through which they emerge. The issue is not merely that one action causes another effect later. Instead, the action passes through intermediaries that interpret, redirect, delay, strengthen, weaken, or transform it, sometimes making it stronger while causing it to appear weaker. Intermediaries also change in the process. The result is not merely a chain of consequences, but a continuing alteration of the environment through which future history must pass.

Feedback, Complexity, and Friction

Feedback and complexity explain how actions produce responses that alter the conditions of later action. Clausewitzian friction explains how the human element disrupts intention.

Interpositive warfare shares these concerns but focuses on the reproduction of action in altered form. Friction may obstruct an action, and feedback may return information or consequences to the original actor. Interpositive warfare asks what the action becomes after it has passed through the wider field of war. In doing so, it may return in a misinterpreted form or even work against the purpose for which it was originally produced.

Praxeology

Praxeology begins with purposeful human action. Human beings choose objectives, employ means, and interpret circumstances, all in pursuit of a preferred outcome. Warfare likewise begins with human decisions, even when those decisions operate through various institutions.

Interpositive warfare begins with the same premise but extends the action beyond its original intent. Once purposeful action enters war, it passes through other human beings and the institutions they represent. Along the way, it is filtered, bottled, and transformed. Praxeology explains why the action begins; interpositive warfare examines what that action becomes after it enters a conflict, reshapes the surrounding conditions, and influences what happens next.

Counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan

Counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan offers a clear example of self-negating success. In theory, COIN seeks to protect the population, secure territory, and win the confidence of local communities rather than simply destroy the enemy. It also attempts to address the political, economic, and social grievances that sustain insurgent movements, including poverty, corruption, weak infrastructure, and the absence of legitimate government.

COIN also depends heavily on intelligence. The more trust military forces establish with the population, the more information they hope to gather. That information helps identify insurgents, map relationships, and build case-by-case dossiers on individuals and networks. In the long term, the goal is to leave behind a legitimate and self-sustaining host-nation government capable of maintaining security without foreign assistance.

On paper, these are obvious strengths. In practice, however, they also reveal the doctrine’s self-negating character. COIN is extremely resource-intensive. It requires large numbers of personnel, money, and time, as well as repeated deployments. The longer forces remain, the more vulnerable they become to ambushes, IEDs (improvised explosive devices), and other forms of asymmetric attack. What begins as counterinsurgency can gradually expand into nation-building, creating an open-ended mission funded by outside taxpayers and carried out in a political environment that may never have possessed a strong sense of national unity to begin with.

A prolonged focus on COIN can also erode conventional military readiness. A force that spends years preparing for patrols, population security, intelligence collection, and small-unit engagements may become highly experienced in one form of warfare while allowing other capabilities to weaken.

The greatest difficulty, however, lies in human loyalty. Loyalties shift. Local actors may cooperate because the money is right, because one rival poses a greater threat, or because foreign support temporarily strengthens their position. That relationship may change as soon as another tribe, militia, political faction, foreign government, or outside economic interest enters the picture. An ally in one situation may become an obstacle in another. Trust remains conditional, and intelligence gathered through those relationships may be incomplete, manipulated, or directed against local rivals.

Counterinsurgency could therefore succeed tactically while undermining itself strategically. American forces won engagement after engagement, secured territory, removed insurgents, and often built enough trust to gain intelligence and local cooperation. In that immediate sense, COIN worked.

The strategic problem was that the groups involved were not unified in any meaningful way. In many areas, the real political units were tribes, militias, religious factions, local power brokers, and patronage networks. American forces were trying to win their support, but these groups were also competing among themselves for money, influence, protection, and position. The United States became another actor within the same field of rivalries rather than a power standing above it.

Winning the hearts and minds of one tribe did not necessarily strengthen the larger political order. It could weaken another tribe, deepen an existing rivalry, or make one group dependent on American protection. There was no true unifying apparatus capable of turning these separate tactical relationships into a lasting national settlement. COIN could therefore create local success without producing strategic unity.

This leads to COIN’s central weakness: the absence of a clearly defined end state. What does victory look like? How much stability is enough? When does a host-nation government become self-sustaining? At what point does the foreign force leave without undoing the gains it helped create? Without clear answers, tactical and operational success can continue indefinitely while strategic success remains undefined and elusive.

COIN could therefore protect populations, remove insurgents, gather intelligence, and secure territory while simultaneously creating dependency, weakening conventional readiness, distorting local politics, and extending the mission without a measurable end. Its successes were real, but they often altered the environment in ways that made those successes difficult to preserve. In that sense, counterinsurgency became a self-negating success.

Inside the Box of Mirrors

A tactic is never static. It exists inside a box of mirrors, multiplied, distorted, and reinterpreted by every observer. The box represents the operational environment. Its six faces represent six primary sides that refract the tactic: enemy forces, allied partners, command structures, institutional logistics, populations within the domain, and the physical and cultural terrain itself. These six faces are illustrative rather than fixed. Depending on the conflict, there may be many more.

Each reflection differs because perspective warps it. A flanking maneuver may appear to the enemy as a vulnerability, to an ally as resolve, to commanders as data, and to populations as a narrative. When the tactic is executed, adapted, or redirected, every reflection changes with it. There is no isolated action.

The Negative–Interpositive Cycle

The photographic analogy of the negative and interpositive beautifully captures how one effect becomes the source of the next. The original negative is the intent: the plan as conceived. The interpositive is the first-order effect, or how reality develops the image through human action, interpretation, and Clausewitzian friction.

The interpositive then becomes the new negative. The altered reality—enemy adaptations, unintended consequences, alliances, and fractures—becomes the baseline for the next cycle. Each iteration inverts and evolves the tactic. What begins as deception may harden into a predictable pattern if it is not refreshed. What once looked like strength may reveal fragility under a different light.

This is why rigid doctrines fail and why truly effective operators treat every success as a potential trap. The environment has already begun adapting to yesterday’s move.

Adaptation, Deception, and Predictability

In warfare and beyond, this dynamic helps explain several enduring principles. Take the OODA loop developed by U.S. Air Force Colonel John Boyd (observe, orient, decide, act): observe the reflections, orient to their distortions, decide when and how to turn, act, and immediately begin the next loop before the enemy’s reflections stabilize.

Reflexive control deliberately shapes what the mirrors show the adversary so that the adversary’s reflected decisions serve one’s intent. Emergent strategy operates through a similar process. Real plans are not simply executed from the top down; they coevolve with the reflections that conflict produces.

The best commanders do not merely impose a plan. They design systems that learn from inside the box of mirrors faster than their opponents do. Entropy and surprise are useful only for a short time because repeated tactics lose their contrast. The box becomes familiar. New light, such as novelty, deception, and tempo, must be introduced before the reflections flatten into predictability.

Tactical Reproduction

At the tactical level, a single action—an ambush, feint, or drone strike—does not merely succeed or fail. It alters local conditions: enemy morale, alertness, ammunition stocks, small-unit trust, terrain usability, electromagnetic signatures, and civilian perceptions.

The result becomes a new negative. Tomorrow’s patrol operates in the world that today’s action helped create. Even inaction reproduces the same dynamic. Hesitation becomes data that the enemy develops into the next interpositive.

A battle does more than produce a result. It reproduces the actors who must fight the next battle. Enemy soldiers learn. Allied forces form new expectations. Commanders revise their judgments. Populations assign new meanings to what they have witnessed. The tactic survives not as an unchanged event, but as a series of altered interpretations carried forward by everyone involved.

Operational Reproduction

At the operational level, the mirrors multiply. An operation—a campaign phase, major offensive, or sustained air interdiction effort—reshapes force ratios, logistical nodes, command relationships, intelligence advantages, and political will. It changes what future operations can accomplish and what courses of action remain possible.

A successful breakthrough may advance too far without secure flanks, creating a vulnerable salient while also establishing a new base for further action. A deliberate withdrawal may cede ground but preserve forces, restore operational tempo, or strengthen political cohesion.

In either case, the altered battlefield, alliance dynamics, and resource picture become the fresh negative. Future operational art must develop from this plate rather than from the original plan. The operation that follows does not begin where the previous one began. It begins inside the environment that the previous operation helped manufacture.

Strategic Reproduction

Strategy is the highest-order darkroom. It does not merely win battles or campaigns; it redefines the war itself. Every strategic choice—forming alliances, imposing economic sanctions, conducting information campaigns, or changing war aims—reconfigures the enemy’s options, the home front’s endurance, third-party involvement, and even the conflict’s moral and legal framing.

The interpositive of one strategic decision becomes the negative for the next. Expanding war aims after early victories, for example, may make later restraint or de-escalation more difficult. A strategy of attrition, as seen in the Russo-Ukrainian war, may exhaust the enemy while also exhausting one’s own military and society, altering the political terrain upon which any negotiated settlement must eventually rest.

The introduction of new domains, including cyberspace and economic warfare, changes the purpose and character of the conflict. At this level, recursion can become self-referential. Strategy begins to reproduce the nature of the war, which in turn reshapes strategy. Wars begun for limited objectives may metastasize into existential struggles, or existential struggles may eventually contract into limited settlements. The means shape the ends, and the ends reshape the means.

The Recursive Loop

Tactics alter conditions and create the basis for new operations. Operations alter the conditions from which new strategies emerge. Strategies alter the conditions for a different war or for a different peace. Each level is both produced by and productive of the levels above and below it.

This is why linear planning eventually collapses. Effective practitioners treat every outcome as provisional source material rather than final validation and design for adaptability across tactical, operational, and strategic levels.

Victory belongs less to the side with the best initial negative than to the side that masters the repeated development process: the side that sees the reflections clearly, turns at the right moment, and develops cleaner, more useful interpositives faster than its opponent.

War is often planned and analyzed in terms of action and reaction. Objectives are identified, forces are assigned, and operations are conducted. As for success and failure, well, those are measured through the outcome. Yet war does not remain still, nor do its conditions remain stable long enough for this process to unfold exactly as intended. Every reaction changes the actors, their relationships, the institutions they represent, and the conditions through which later action must pass.

Interpositive warfare does not promise control over this process, nor does it offer a formula for predicting every consequence. Human action cannot be predicted with certainty. Its value lies in recognizing that action and environment cannot be separated; that is its strongest suit. The battlefield is not simply the place where war occurs. It is continually reproduced by the people acting within it.

Humans are interpositives: 360-degree transparent images of time and space, drawn inward toward a center that looks back from every direction. Conflict lives in a geometric box of mirrors that never sits still.

The Battle of Jaxartes (329 BCE)

 

 

In what is said to be Alexander the Great’s most spectacular battle, the Macedonian king tested their most daring tactics against the fierce Central-Asian mounted Scythian nomads on the banks of the Jaxartes River.

Before charging into the battle, a little geography would not hurt. The Jaxartes River, what is known today as the Syr Darya, originates in the Tian Shan Mountains in Kyrgyzstan and eastern Uzbekistan. The river flows for 2,212 kilometers (1,374 miles) west and northwest through Uzbekistan and southern Kazakhstan to the remains of the Aral Sea.

Sunset over Sir-Darya river, Kazakhstan.

Sunset over Sir-Darya river, Kazakhstan. In Ancient Greek river is called Yaxartes (Ἰαξάρτης). (Petar Milošević /CC BY-SA 3.0)

Map of the Syr Darya Basin watershed, of the Syr Darya and Chu Rivers in Central Asia.

Map of the Syr Darya Basin watershed, of the Syr Darya and Chu Rivers in Central Asia. (CC BY-SA 4.0)

The battle of Jaxartes was a result of an earlier rebellion between the Scythians and the Macedonians.

A man named Spitamenes instigated the cause that would lead up to the battle. Spitamenes was famous for his capture of Bessus, in which he put him in chains and left him for Alexander, resulting in Spitamenes becoming the invisible tribal leader among the Sogdiana, an ancient civilization of Iranian people.

The Punishment of Bessus, by Andre Castaigne

The Punishment of Bessus, by Andre Castaigne (Public Domain)

Alexander had targeted Cyropolis in 329 BC in his conquest of Sogdiana.

Beginning with Cyropolis

Spitamenes, now Sogdian warlord, skillfully planned a rebellion of which not even Alexander had a clue. Spitamenes attacked Alexander’s rear, disabling the fortification system on the frontier starting with Cyropolis.

Silk road figure head, thought to be Sogdian.

Silk road figure head, thought to be Sogdian. (CC BY-SA 4.0)

Sogdians, depicted on a Chinese Sogdian sarcophagus of the Northern Qi era.

Sogdians, depicted on a Chinese Sogdian sarcophagus of the Northern Qi era. (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Spitamenes’ men caught them by surprise, storming the fort and taking no mercy. Spitamenes also garrisoned these fortresses with his own men afterwards. Once word reached Alexander, it must have been a total shock to him, as he was busy building the new city of Alexandria Eschate.

Sogdiana and Alexandria Eschate, in the north of the map.

Sogdiana and Alexandria Eschate, in the north of the map. (Public Domain)

Alexander quickly assembled his men for battle and sent them to the nearest fortress called Gaza. From Gaza, Alexander and his forces captured four fortresses in two days, killing the inhabitants inside. Next, Alexander turned his forces to Cyropolis.

Out of all the forts, Cyropolis was the hardest to take.

Alexander’s plans to march further east were now on hold due to the rebellion. Alexander could not leave with tension existing in his empire. So, Alexander went on a policy of terror as he did at Thebes, but this did not seem to faze the Sogdians, and in doing so, prompted the mighty nomadic confederation of Massagetae to assemble with many horse archers on the right side of Jaxartes River, waiting to invade if the Macedonians failed in stamping out the revolt.

The rebellion became so serious that news came to Alexander that Spitamenes had besieged Maracanda. Alexander quickly sent forces to lift the siege under the command of Pharnuches, who was a diplomat and not a soldier. Once Pharnuches made it to the outskirts of the city, he engaged the enemy and was teased by the Scythians to follow them into the desert.

Scythian Horseman depicted on felt artifact, circa 300 BC.

Scythian Horseman depicted on felt artifact, circa 300 BC. (Public Domain)

Once in the middle of nowhere, Spitamenes and his Sogdiana Scythian nomads enveloped them from all sides. Pharnuches ordered his forces to form a square formation, leaving the center empty during the battle. The Macedonian forces fought well during the battle, but needed to withdraw quickly, and once they spotted the river Polytimetus to cross for safety, they made a mad dash for it. This very act of breaking rank and battle formation is a mistake when fighting the Scythians, for once the Macedonian forces exposed themselves by breaking rank, the heavier Scythian cavalry mowed them down and totally annihilated them.

This would prove to be the worst disaster that any of Alexander forces would ever face in battle. Alexander knew he would have to react quickly in order to put down the rebellion by defeating those responsible with a show of force.

The Men of War

When it came to the size and composition of both military forces, the estimations are relatively unknown. As far as technology, there is no exact information regarding what was used at the battle, but due to the circumstances of the time and what we do know regarding the Macedonian army Alexander led, we have only to look at the main army Alexander brought with him.

Mosaic detailing the famous military leader and conqueror Alexander the Great/Alexander III of Macedon.

Mosaic detailing the famous military leader and conqueror Alexander the Great/Alexander III of Macedon. (Public Domain)

What history books tell us is that Alexander had a mix of Macedonian infantry and cavalry along with Thessalian and Thracian cavalry. In addition, Alexander required the Greek states to provide additional cavalry and infantry alongside his main forces when he invaded Asia. However, we should consider that by the time Alexander’s forces had made it up to this point in history, those men that accompanied him from Macedonia into Persia, and right before the battle of Jaxartes, were not the vast majority, but rather a mix of forces and foreigners in his ranks. Thus, to get an idea of what units partook in the battle is unknown, but assumptions can be made.

The Scythians on the other hand, were pure cavalry, carrying the bow and arrow. They may have had some heavy cavalry among their ranks, but it is doubtful. Rather, we can gather that the Scythians were mainly light cavalry archers since there are no descriptions of heavy cavalry mentioned.

As for military doctrine and training, Alexander the Great learned warfare, tactics, and strategy from his father Philip. Before Alexander became king, he had already experienced battles beforehand as the commander of Philips left wing, such as at the battle of Chaeronea. Alexander was a practitioner of his father’s style of organized warfare, which was called the hammer and anvil tactic. The Macedonian phalanx served as the anvil while the cavalry served as the hammer.

Alexander the Great liked to charge head on with his men but always kept a close eye on the situation. His leadership skills were numerous due to the many detailed battles provided in historical chronicles. Alexander was a leader who led his men into battle, charging in head-first at every chance he got. He led by example and bore the scars to prove it. He desired not to sit in the back of his army and shot out orders like a manager. He was a natural leader, with a natural gift. Not many leaders in the annals of war have ever had such a gift as had by Alexander.

As for the Scythian leader Satraces, there is nothing known about him other than by name for being at the battle. Leadership is crucial under such circumstances, but in this case, there is virtually nothing known about Satraces leadership ability. As for skills, he was a true Scythian tactician, wherein swarming and deception was the game. One only knows this due to the battle description provided.

From the info gathered before the battle, Alexander had no choice but to cross the Jaxartes River and engage the Scythians. If he did not, the situation could have gotten out of hand and the number of Scythians may have started to grow. Alexander only had one choice and that was to attack them and win. If he lost, it might have cost him his empire or at least part of it. These Scythians were most likely paid by Spitamenes to harass and engage Alexander. Alexander had no choice but to deal with the enemy.

Feasts and Fights

The opening moves before the battle were actually feasting. Once Alexander founded a new city-fort named after him, he held an elaborate feast with a sacrifice to the gods and even held a gymnastic contest. Alexander was having a merry ole’ time.

But while feasting and having a luxurious time with his men, Scythians on the far side of the bank of the River Jaxartes began to shout insults at Alexander and his men. Alexander knew that if he ignored this and allowed it to continue, the numbers of these men might swell and become too big to handle. Alexander stopped the party and began planning.

Alexander was in no mood for combat, but rather relaxation and celebration. He was still recovering from a leg wound he received from an earlier battle, and the bone splinters were making their way out of Alexander’s leg. Alexander had no choice but to send in his advance cavalry. However, in order to do this, he needed to establish a beachhead first to protect his forces that would be crossing.

The Hammer and Anvil

He moved his artillery to the bank of the river and began to shower the Scythians with projectiles—one of the projectiles said to have killed the Scythian chief Satraces or their champion warrior, nevertheless, it remains unknown, but the outcome seems to have not rattled the Scythians knees.

The artillery Alexander placed on the bank of river worked well for its intended use, which was to push the Scythians back, allowing the Macedonian forces to cross the river safely. Once the river was safe to cross, Alexander sent in a portion of cavalry first. However, some think that the use of cavalry was a military blunder that turned in his favor.

Battle between the Scythians and their enemies.

Battle between the Scythians and their enemies. (Public Domain)

Stephen Tanner, who wrote the popular book, “Afghanistan: A Military History from Alexander the Great to the War against the Taliban Insurgency” argues that the Macedonian element (cavalry) advanced to quickly and was surrounded by the Scythians. However, it seems Alexander may have done this intentionally. The tactician knew better than to just send in an attack force for the slaughter. He knew he had to bait the Scythians, for if he did not, the Scythians would play a cat and mouse game of reverse attrition. In other words, the Scythians would lose few while the bigger forces would lose many!

Battle of the Jaxartes, Alexander crossing river. Battle movement images by Stephen Smith.

Battle of the Jaxartes, Alexander crossing river. Battle movement images by Stephen Smith. (Creative Commons)

As the advance Macedonian cavalry came closer into contact with the Scythians, the Scythians broke themselves up into units and quickly moved into position surrounding the enemy from afar. Each unit began to form a circle and rode around like they were in a race, chasing each other’s tails. This was like how a hurricane is perceived; it is a deadly circle that rotates about, spewing forth projectiles. The high winds represent the bow and whatever the winds spit out are the arrows.

With the advanced Macedonian cavalry now surrounded by many Scythian cavalry circles showering them down with arrows, Alexander began to advance with the rest of his force. Alexander knew that by sending in a small cavalry force as bait, the Scythians would quickly go after it. What the Scythians did not expect was what was coming next.

Battle of the Jaxartes, Alexander luring Scythians to battle.

Battle of the Jaxartes, Alexander luring Scythians to battle. (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Alexander then gave the orders for his light infantry to advance towards the Scythian cavalry in front of Alexander. Now, as the light infantry advanced towards the Scythians, Alexander than gave the order for a second part of his cavalry to block any flanking attempt by the Scythian horse archers. Once the pieces were in place, half of the Scythian cavalry found themselves surrounded. Alexander then gave the order to his heavy cavalry to charge at the surrounded Scythian horse archers. The heavy cavalry shot through the gaps between his light infantry and anti-flanking cavalry and plunged right into the Scythian ranks, thus allowing the advance cavalry unit that was sent in as bait to now focus on the Scythians that found themselves surrounded. This allowed Alexander’s anti-flanking cavalry to ward off the remaining Scythian cavalry, thus allowing the light infantry men to advance in quickly in order to dislodge any enemy combatants on horseback. Overall, it was a brilliant maneuver on Alexander behalf.

The Battle of Jaxartes – Alexander traps the nomadic Scythian cavalry.

The Battle of Jaxartes – Alexander traps the nomadic Scythian cavalry. (Creative Commons)

The outcome of the battle was a Macedonian victory through Alexander’s brilliance. As for deaths, the Macedonians only killed a small number, roughly around 1,000 with another 150 captured. The main part of the Scythian cavalry force escaped capture. It was a small battle that produced a new tactic for consideration when facing the Scythians.

The Economy of Force

Assessing the significance of the actions and the lessons learned from the battle of Jaxartes is one-sided. The Scythians deceived themselves with over confidence. They figured that this foreign element was no different than what they had encountered before, thus making themselves one-dimensional. As for Alexander, he quickly looked at the situation, understood what he was facing, and quickly executed his objective with precision.

In order for Alexander to accomplish this, he had confidence in his men and captains, and his men, in turn, showed faith in him and his battle plan. In other words, when it came to the economy of force, every Macedonian was responsible for the other. Because of this, Alexander placed his men in areas that they would be effective against the enemy and allowed his captains and men to build on their effectiveness.

Alexander won many battles before Jaxartes using the hammer and anvil tactic made so famous by the Macedonians. However, the traditional Macedonian way of war came to a standstill when confronting the Scythians and this demonstrated not only their strength but also their weakness. Nevertheless, the strength and simplicity of these tactics are obvious; adapt to your enemy’s method and incorporate some of your own—innovate!

Alexander knew that if he were stay with the same old tactical method it would kill him in the end. Alexander also felt that he and his men were in an ‘unholy land’ and had to fight in ‘unholy ways’ in order to achieve victory.

As for the Scythians, their form of guerrilla-like warfare has gone unnoticed for thousands of years, but every so often hordes (camps) from the east have pushed successfully west. Nevertheless, the methods of these steppe peoples are very unorthodox, innovative, and asymmetrical. They fight without touching you and deceive you without notice. However, the Scythians could have given Alexander a bigger hassle, but they did not. And in turn, Alexander knew that it was best to beat them and leave them alone. Alexander the Great did not want or need the weight of Central Asia pouring down on him like lava from a volcano; it was not worth it. The Scythians would have loved if Alexander had marched into the open fields of Central Asia—but Alexander knew better.

Featured image: Another of Alexander’s important battles – The battle of Issos between Alexander the Great and Darius of Persia. Representative image only (Public Domain)

By Cam Rea

References

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Edwards, Sean J.A. Swarming On The Battlefield: Past, Present, And Future. Santa Monica: Rand Corporation, 2000.

Ferrill, Arther. The Origins of war: From the Stone age to Alexander the Great. Oxford: Westview Press, 1997.

Fuller, John Frederick Charles. The Generalship of Alexander the Great. New York and Washington D.C.: Da Capo Press, 2004.

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Subutai: Dog of War – Sophisticated Military Strategist Behind Genghis Khan’s Conquering Empire – Part I

There have been many renowned and infamous conquerors and generals such as Sargon of Akkad, Tiglath-Pileser III of Assyria, Cyrus the Great of Persia, Alexander the Great of Macedonia, Hannibal of Carthage, Julius Caesar of Rome, Attila the Hun, and Tamerlane, to name a few throughout history. Every one of them has rightfully earned a spot in the history books as a brilliant strategic tactical genius or an uncompromising, bloodthirsty sociopath. However, for some, names and actions have gone largely unnoticed through the annals of history. One such man of great influence but little renown went by the name of Subutai.

Drawing of a mobile Mongol soldier with bow and arrow wearing deel, traditional clothing.

Drawing of a mobile Mongol soldier with bow and arrow wearing deel, traditional clothing. (Public Domain)

The Powerful Mongol Army

The Mongols were a steppe people who lived mostly to the north of China. They were a conglomeration of various clans and tribes that were not united but rather a loose confederation. Nevertheless, a Mongol by the name of Temujin united the various tribes into a single nation. Temujin would take this nation and turn it into a powerful empire. His name would also change to the name many of us know today— Genghis Khan. This name/title was given to Temujin when he united the Mongols in 1206.

Statue of Genghis Khan

Statue of Genghis Khan (CC BY 2.0)

The Mongols were a cavalry-based system comprised of heavy and light elements. Mongol forces were assembled into arbans, jagun, minghans, and finally tuman. Arbans consisted of seven to 10 troops, jagun consisted of 100 troops while the minghan consisted on 1,000 troops.

10 units of 1,000 troops made one tuman. A tuman was 10,000 troops the second to largest unit in the Mongol army. The largest was three tuman, which would equal 30,000 troops and thus formed an army.

Shock and Awe

Mongol tactics were pure and simple; play a game of cat and mouse and finally when the time is right, switch roles with the enemy.

Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot.

Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. (CC BY-SA 4.0)

Mongols were masters of deception and ambushing. As for Mongol arms, their primary weapon was the bow. The Mongol bow was larger than normal for a composite bow, but had a pull weight of up to 165 pounds and a range of 350 yards (320 meters). In addition, they also carried a large number of arrows of various types to accompany their bow. The mixture of arrows was due to the types of combat they might encounter, whether close or far range, or for single combat, and psychological combat. Either way, the Mongol arrow system was indeed unique among others.

As for body armor, light Mongol cavalrymen wore padded armor in thick leather, but nothing heavy, while heavy cavalrymen wore leather with metal plates attached, including a metal helmet. His horse was also covered in strong armor. The cavalrymen also carried either a long, 12-foot (3.6 meter) lance, battle-axe, or curved or straight sword.

Mongol cavalry archery from using the Mongol bow.

Mongol cavalry archery from using the Mongol bow. (Public Domain)

The Mongol mix of light and heavy cavalry employing various weapon systems produced a shock-and-awe combination. Missile cavalry provided the shock, while heavy cavalry provided the awe. Overall, the Mongols were all about blitzing; enveloping and swarming the enemy—but only when the enemy showed itself vulnerable.

Subutai, from Humble Beginnings

Subutai, or Subotai “Bagatur” (the Valiant), may have been born sometime around 1176/77 AD. We only know this for it is said that he left home at the age of 14 to join Genghis Khan’s army in 1190 AD. Others suggest that maybe he was born either in 1172 or 1175 AD.

Subutai was the son of a blacksmith who lived in the forest around the western edge of Lake Baikai. He came from a tribe that was not considered Mongol, known as the Uriangkhai tribe. The Uriangkhai were a people who preferred to live in the forest within their mud or wood huts. They were not horsemen and their trade was fur, and they specialized in blacksmithing. Nevertheless, they offered their services to the Mongols, season permitting, to fix anything broken such as weapons, pots, or pans. Subutai most likely encountered the Mongols in his early years while helping his father to fix whatever needed repair. Because of this encounter, Subutai grew to understand them and their way of life by the season-to-season interaction with them.

In 1190 AD, Subutai left home to join the Mongol armies under Genghis Khan. He was just fourteen years old, but he had youth and energy, and the stories he’d heard from his brother Jelme, who rode with Khan, excited the boy. He was very young for a person looking for combat, but his older brother Jelme vouched for him to Genghis and Genghis agreed—but his job was door attendant to the Khan. In other words, Subutai made sure the felt flap kept cool steppe air out and the Khan’s warm words in. But it was also here at the door that Subutai began to learn the Mongol art of war.

Genghis Khan seated in the center in tent and his attendants, sons, and generals surrounding.

Genghis Khan seated in the center in tent and his attendants, sons, and generals surrounding. (Public Domain)

Subutai, as far as we know, knew nothing of horsemanship. In the eyes of the Mongols, he was a mere amateur. Now, besides his duty of guarding the Khan’s doorway, he was duty-bound to a Mongol officer who was in charge of him. Subutai had to learn how to ride a horse. It was felt that any man could ride a horse, but to ride a horse into combat with command precision was a far different mastery, especially when learning to use the bow. Subutai went on to learn how to master the horse and bow. His skills grew, including absorbing strategy and tactics he learned at the Khan’s doorway, and after some years went by, Subotai went from doorkeeper to Khan’s inner circle, discussing the military issues he once overheard.

The recreated interior of an ancient Mongolian ger (also known as a yurt), from Genghis Khan: The Exhibition.

The recreated interior of an ancient Mongolian ger (also known as a yurt), from Genghis Khan: The Exhibition. (CC BY-SA 2.0)

The Desperate and Blind Merkits (1197)

Subutai’s first battle came in the year 1197 AD. Genghis offered Subutai a hundred of his finest warriors for the operation against the rival Merkit tribe who had a camp set up that the Khan wished to attack. Instead, Subutai went by himself to the Merkit camp and told them that he had deserted Genghis. The Merkits believed Subutai and made him one of their own. They wanted to know where Genghis forces were and Subutai assured them they are far off. However, this was not true, once the Merkits let their guard and suspicion down, the Mongols attacked. This convincing ruse would become the staple of Subutai’s tactics: that is, to attack the enemy indirectly by whatever means available and necessary.

Subutai understood the situation well, for the Merkits had set up camp and were blind to what was going on around them. Subutai quenched their thirst for knowledge by poisoning their wells of thought. Subutai seemed to know that desperate men like the Merkits would believe in anything thrown their way, just like a man in need of water only to discover a deceptive mirage in front of him.

Breeching the Wall of the Jin (1211)

In March 1211, Genghis Khan had assembled a very large fighting force fixed for conquest. Their goal was to take over the Jin Empire, but an obstacle lay in the way and that obstacle was the Great Wall of China.

Location of Jin dynasty, 1115–1234

Location of Jin dynasty, 1115–1234 (CC BY 3.0)

Word reached the Jin officials that the Mongols were coming. Jin scouts, careful to made sure the Mongol scouts did not see them, reported a large Mongol force of 30,000 led by Subutai. The force was making its way towards eastern end of the Great Wall. By taking this route, one arrives close to the Jin capital having once crossed.

The Jin quickly sent men to reinforce the wall along with secondary defenses, but the attack never came. Subutai and his 30,000 men were nowhere.

Instead, another report surfaced that Genghis Khan was leading a much larger Mongol army towards the western edge of the Great Wall. Garrisoning the western edge of the wall was a people known as the Onguts; the Onguts were Mongols who had been defeated by the Jin earlier and been placed under their command. However, the Onguts were not going to fight when they saw their kin arrive, for Genghis and his Mongols were looking to attack and vanquish the Jin Empire who conquered their very tribe.

Because of the absence of Subutai, the Jin forces had to hurry, for the main Mongol army was well on its way. Genghis learned that the Jin forces were responding, but very slowly; this gave Genghis time to choose the battle site, which was the northern passes in what is now Shanxi province.

Once the Jin arrived they saw the Mongols and quickly assembled themselves into battle formations. The Jin used a typical battle formation that is also used in the west as it was in the east and that was: infantry front and center, cavalry to the sides.

The Mongols were all cavalry, both light and heavy, built for speed and terror. The Mongols made the first move by sending in their horse archers, showering the Jin infantry with armor piercing arrows, and then sending in their heavy cavalry to break the enemy ranks, causing panic and desertion. In the meantime, the Jin cavalry could do little, for they were far heavier and less agile when compared to the Mongol heavy horse. However, the battle was far from over as both armies traded blow for blow until Subutai arrived. No one knows how Subutai did this and what route he took, but he was able to flank the Jin cavalry and attack their rear forces, and as such the Mongols completely collapsed the Jin army on all sides causing a bloody mess.

Deception played a large part in the battle, once again. In fact, the battle contained two deceptions: the first being the report of Subutai’s army approaching the edge of the eastern wall, and the second deception was allowing the enemy to dismiss or forget about Subutai.

Whoever orchestrated this maneuver is unknown, but I would not doubt that it was between Genghis and Subutai, if not Subutai alone. However, the Jin army broke a rule regarding the Art of War, in which Sun Tzu says, “One who sets the entire army in motion to chase an advantage will not attain it.” The Jin were chasing a phantom, only to be conquered by it when they looked away.

Battle of Kalka River (1222/1223?)

In 1222, Jebe, a prominent general of Gehghis Khan, and Subutai took a route that led through a pass called Derbent, on the Caspian Sea in Russia. As the Mongols were riding through, various nomadic tribes such as the Alans, Cherkesses, Lezgians and Cumans were uniting as one against the Mongols who were largely unknown to these alarmed groups. After the nomadic alliance united, a battle soon followed between the nomadic coalition and the Mongols. The results of the battle remain unknown, for some suggest there is not enough evidence to support victory for either side.

Jebe and Subutai licked their wounds and pushed back at the Alans, soundly defeating them. The Mongol armies next attacked the Cumans and defeated them, chasing them to the Crimea. The Cuman khan, named Kotian, was the father-in-law of Prince Mstislav of Galich. Kotian along with Mstislav sent out a call to unite the various Russian principalities to fight off the Mongol invasion. All involved in this operation were against the Mongols, but knew nothing about them, their way of life, language, or what god they worshipped—all they knew is that this army was strange and serious.

Detail from the Millennium of Russia Monument: Mstislav Mstislavich, left, and Daniel of Galicia, his son-in-law.

Detail from the Millennium of Russia Monument: Mstislav Mstislavich, left, and Daniel of Galicia, his son-in-law.  (CC BY-SA 3.0)

The Mongols soon realized that the Cumans had gained Russian support. Jebe and Subutai wanted nothing to do with the various Russian forces. Therefore, they sent ten ambassadors in to parlay and none came out alive. The subsequent message from the Mongols to the Russians was simple: go home, this is not your fight. The Mongols showed no interest in Russian lands, but had issue with the Cumans. However, as you have read, the Russians had every intention of defending the Cumans. Jebe and Subotai saw the Russian and Cuman forces and decided to retreat.

Battle of Kernek was between Volga Bulgaria and the Mongols, 1223.

Battle of Kernek was between Volga Bulgaria and the Mongols, 1223. Representational image. (Public Domain)

The Mongols fell back from the Russian and Cuman forces for nine days before the Mongols sent ambassadors to the Russians. These ambassadors brought the same message as the previous, but the Russians sent them back with a message that they would only be happy once the Mongols returned to their own land and were out of sight. This reasoning is also understandable, who is to say that once the Cumans were defeated, the Mongols will not set their sights on Russia?

Daniel of Galicia: King of Galicia and Volhynia (King of Rus')

Daniel of Galicia: King of Galicia and Volhynia (King of Rus’) (Public Domain)

The first battle between the two resulted in a victory for the Russians, as they soundly attacked the rear guard and defeated the Mongols. Once this was accomplished, the Russian Prince Mstislav of Galich, along with the Cumans, crossed the little Kalka River. Prince Mstislav made a terrible mistake for not communicating his intensions and falling right into a Mongol trap. The main Russian army under the Prince of Kiev were a distances always from Prince Mstislav and if something were to go wrong, they could not help them.

Daniil Romanovich and Mstislav Mstislavich (Daniel of Galicia and Mstislav of Galich) with their troops.

Daniil Romanovich and Mstislav Mstislavich (Daniel of Galicia and Mstislav of Galich) with their troops. (Public Domain)

Jebe and Subotai took advantage of the situation; their retreat had paid off. The Russians split, and Prince Mstislav, along with the Cumans, became too confident. The Mongols quickly enveloped the enemy causing the Cumans to panic and Prince Mstislav of Galich to retreat home. The Mongols followed through by attacking the main Russian force, causing them to retreat to a hilltop where they tried to prepare defenses against the Mongols, but Prince Mstislav of Kiev could not, and after three days of fight, surrendered. He asked if he and his forces could return to Kiev, but Jebe and Subotai had a better idea.

Instead of letting them go, they killed the prisoners and built wooden planks to cover Prince Mstislav as they dined on top of him, hearing him scream, as the weight of the party slowly crushed him.

Jebe and Subutai then pursued the Prince Mstislav of Galich, but with no real gain. The Mongols did plunder some towns, but Mstislav of Galich had every boat burned in order to hinder the Mongols’ movement.

Jebe and Subutai finally relented, and return back home to prepare for the future – an ambitious and dangerous future which would lead to Genghis Khan naming Subutai one of his fierce ‘dogs of war’.

Subutai. Medieval Chinese drawing.

Subutai. Medieval Chinese drawing. (Public Domain)

Featured image: A Mongolian Cavalry recreation, from Genghis Khan: The Exhibition (CC BY-SA 2.0)

By Cam Rea

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