A Tale of Pestilence

In 700 BCE, The Assyrian army commanded by King Sennacherib invaded Egypt.

Before the Assyrians pushed any further into Egypt, the Assyrian army made camp at Pelusium, which is located on the salt flats and flax fields of northeastern Egypt. It was to be an easy victory in Sennacherib’s eyes, for the enemy Pharaoh’s soldiers would not fight for him. The “warriors of the Egyptians refused to come to the rescue,” according to Greek historian Herodotus.

The reason for this is that Pharaoh Sethos of Egypt had distanced himself from the warrior class, holding them with great contempt, and felt that their service was needed no more.

Sennacherib, king of Assyria 705 BCE–681 BCE.

Sennacherib, king of Assyria 705 BCE–681 BCE. (Public Domain)

Herodotus wrote: “After him there came to the throne the priest of Hephaistos, whose name was Sethos. This man, they said, neglected and held in no regard the warrior class of the Egyptians, considering that he would have no need of them.” The reason for this odd and dangerous move was due to dreams and visions of grandeur.

Pharaoh Sethos

As Herodotus mentioned, Sethos was a priest, thus divinely inspired, and felt that the gods were on his side thus he was not needing an army. But reality soon enveloped the Pharaoh. For a brief moment his divine omnipotence was shaken and he was left to humble and lament himself before the god: “the priest, being driven into a strait, entered into the sanctuary of the temple and bewailed to the image of the god the danger which was impending over him.” As the priest bellowed and begged the god Ptah for an answer, as Pharaoh Sethos slept, dreams and visions were bestowed upon him, the god Ptah is said to have spoken with Pharaoh Sethos saying: “that he should suffer no evil if he went forth to meet the army of the Arabians; for he himself would send him helpers.”

Statue of Ptah, Egyptian deity of craftsmen, architects and creation.

Statue of Ptah, Egyptian deity of craftsmen, architects and creation. (CC BY 2.0)

When the Pharaoh awoke from his translucent dream, he stood up with full confidence and walked out of the sanctuary to meet and greet his people letting them know that all would be well.

The People’s Army

The Pharaoh needed an army and his god would provide. However, the army he would have used refused to fight for him and all that was left was the common civilian, people who worked in goods and services.

Herodotus mentioned this event: “Trusting in these things seen in sleep, he took with him, they said, those of the Egyptians who were willing to follow him, and encamped in Pelusion, for by this way the invasion came: and not one of the warrior class followed him, but shop-keepers and artisans and men of the market.”

Pharaoh Sethos had no choice, regardless of what his god said, for the only army around him, was an army of merchants, and it looked as if the Assyrians are set to conquer Egypt.

However, a strange and anomalous incident might have changed history.

Of Mice and Men

Once Pharaoh’s men made camp near the Assyrians, and as the night drew over them, a creature began to stir. It was a single mouse—and then it was thousands of them!

“Then after they came, there swarmed by night upon their enemies mice of the fields, and ate up their quivers and their bows, and moreover the handles of their shields, so that on the next day they fled, and being without defense of arms great numbers fell” -Herodotus

The mice that invaded the Assyrian camp are said to have eaten all the leather they could find, and most likely an unbelievable amount to say the least! However, back in the ancient days, this was doubly damaging: if a mouse had eaten your leather military gear, it was believed to be an omen of bad things to come.

An Assyrian winged bull, or lamassu, from Sargon's palace at Dur-Sharrukin.

An Assyrian winged bull, or lamassu, from Sargon’s palace at Dur-Sharrukin. (Public Domain)

As for the Assyrians, Herodotus explained it well. The Assyrians fled out of Egypt and where they went remains unknown, but it seems possible that the Assyrians made a move to take Jerusalem next, and possibly with the same army, after being resupplied with men and arms.

An Assyrian siege ramp outside of Lachish, now Shephelah Southern District, Israel. Lachish archaeological site.

An Assyrian siege ramp outside of Lachish, now Shephelah Southern District, Israel. Lachish archaeological site. (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Army on the Run

The Old Testament book of II Kings 19:35 tells an interesting story that might be somewhat related to the events that happened in Egypt.

“And it came to pass that night, that the angel of the LORD went out, and smote in the camp of the Assyrians an hundred fourscore and five thousand: and when they arose early in the morning, behold, they were all dead corpses.” -II Kings 19:35.

Is it possible, that the remaining Assyrian army that fled from Egypt regrouped with other Assyrian forces already conducting war operations against Judah, and marched on Jerusalem together to besiege it? It is very possible, for the events that happened in Egypt are said to have occurred around 701 BCE and events which took place outside the walls of Jerusalem happened around 700 BCE. For when we look back to II Kings 19:35 we notice that the ‘angel of the Lord smote the Assyrians’ killing well over 100,000 of them. It becomes quite possible that when the Assyrian army set camp in Egypt—preparing for the conquest and subjugation of Egypt—that the very mice that ate the leather fixed to the weapons the Assyrians carried, also carried the plague.

Assyrian warriors hurling stones. The carving is from a wall decoration in the palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh (early seventh century BCE).

Assyrian warriors hurling stones. The carving is from a wall decoration in the palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh (early seventh century BCE). (Public Domain)

Thus, any remaining Assyrian soldiers that escaped, most likely carried plague with them, and in turn ended up infecting those they encountered like other Assyrian soldiers.

An Army of Plague Bearers?

It becomes quite likely that the account Herodotus told and the account found in the Bible are thus related to one another in terms of biological agents being passed from one location to another through military maneuver. Whatever the case was, concerning Assyria’s march and retreat from Egypt and Assyria besieging Jerusalem, these events should be reexamined, to see if they coincide with one another on a short-term base.

Now, besides the two events matching one another there is another issue concerning these two fascinating events.

Rebellion

In 703 BCE Babylonia challenged Sennacherib’s rule by rebelling. A man by the name of Marduk-apla-iddina, who had taken the Babylonia throne for himself once before did so again. However, Marduk-apla-iddina met defeat and Babylonia was plundered and placed firmly back under Assyrian control.

This event caused another rebellion to ignite in Syria-Palestine when Egypt and Hezekiah of Judah decided to challenge Assyria’s authority by renouncing their own allegiances. Many more would join in this seminal event, such as the Phoenician city-states of Sidon and Ashkelon.

Sennacherib quickly mustered his forces and marched on the region. Sennacherib moved his forces down the coast of Phoenicia and Philistia and defeated, pillaged, took captives and moved on. As each rebellious city was subjugated, the writing was on the wall: rebellion was futile.

As his forces continued to push south they met an Egyptian army heading north to support the Judean rebellion, but met them head-on and defeated them at Ekron. In total, he had taken and sacked around forty-six cities. While the bulk of Sennacherib’s forces were conducting military operations throughout the southern Levant, particularly along the coastal region and inland, he probably sent an Assyrian detachment into Egypt.

Assyrian Archers. Assyrian Relief, South-West Palace of Nineveh (room 36, panel 5-6) ; 700–692 BC.

Assyrian Archers. Assyrian Relief, South-West Palace of Nineveh (room 36, panel 5-6) ; 700–692 BC. (Public Domain)

This Assyrian detachment was conceivably small in size and their mission was likely to chase the fleeing Egyptians back into Egypt. After pursuing the Egyptians from Ekron, they set up camp at Pelusium. The distance between the two is roughly 549 miles (884 kilometers) and it would have taken the Assyrian army a little over a month to reach Pelusium. Given the distance and the events transpiring east of them, this small, perhaps medium sized force was for the most part cut off from the main force, except for communications.

Nevertheless, communications moved much faster by horse than on foot but made little difference, for the Assyrian force stationed at Pelusium (likely awaiting additional supplies and further orders from Sennacherib) was eventually confronted by a force more determined. Thus they were soundly defeated and chased out of Egypt.

What Really Happened?

Herodotus may have been right that the Egyptians soundly evicted the Assyrian force from their lands, but the idea that mice ate the bowstrings and other items for military use seems a bit farfetched but not impossible. What likely happened was that the Assyrian force which had been stationed in Egypt had been there for some time, and because of this, vermin infiltrated their camp, which is not at all uncommon, even today among armies bivouacked in the field for a considerable amount of days.

While vermin are quickly killed and shooed away, the bugs, which use them as a host, are not so easily disposed of. Because of this, fleas and lice could have bitten the Assyrian men. Also, consider that the mice, which began to eat the grain, would also defecate in it, and this too would add to their coming illness. Vermin, bugs, and excrement weakened the Assyrian forces, and as such they were easily disposed of.

Another proposition is that the Egyptians, sensing that they had not the professional, seasoned soldiers at their disposal, decided to round up all the flea-carrying rodents and herded them towards the Assyrian camp. From a tactical stance, Pharaoh Sethos employed an indirect attack by utilizing his men as a ‘fixing force’ (controlling or stopping an enemy’s advance), thus allowing nature and its biological agents to act as the real attack power. The Assyrian forces able to make it back to their main unit would infect their comrades as well.

As Sennacherib and his officers continued to conduct military operations, they gave the order to send a medium-sized detachment to besiege Jerusalem as a show of force. However, the medium force that encamped outside the walls of Jerusalem may have basically been dead men walking. The Assyrian commanders may or may not have taken notice that some men were sick. If so, little could have been done to alleviate their pain, and the sickness spread fast, passing even to the officers in charge.

Unfortunately, the health of the men before the day they died at the walls of Jerusalem is unwritten. However long the Assyrian army had been stationed outside the walls of Jerusalem is also unknown. Eventually, the defenders on the walls noticed one morning that the Assyrian soldiers on the ground were dead. It would have indeed appeared as if a miracle from heaven had happened.

“Sennacherib's Army Is Destroyed” by Gustave Dore, 1891.

“Sennacherib’s Army Is Destroyed” by Gustave Dore, 1891. (Public Domain)

Here and Gone Again

Another interesting aspect of this campaign is that the army that presumably suffered and died from plague or some other type of illness somehow did not spread that vile scourge to the rest of the Assyrian army. For after Sennacherib was done despoiling the Levant he headed home, proclaiming himself victorious, and claiming to have captured 200,150 people. If a major disease did break out in Assyria, it was not recorded in their annals.

Limestone stele of king Sennacherib from Nineveh.

Limestone stele of king Sennacherib from Nineveh. (CC BY-SA 4.0)

Furthermore, while the Bible indicates that 100,000 Assyrian forces were dead, the reality is, it was far less. The purpose for the Bible stating that 100,000 men died outside the walls of Jerusalem was likely nothing more than propaganda. While it is true in one dark sense that they did defeat 100,000 troops, this is only true in the sense that the great army of Sennacherib had already taken their fill of booty, had reclaimed their sphere of influence, had left for home with a great number of captives, and as such allowed Judea to continue as a state.

Judean captives being led away into slavery by the Assyrians after the siege of Lachish in 701 BC.

Judean captives being led away into slavery by the Assyrians after the siege of Lachish in 701 BC.  (Public Domain)

However, Judea was now worse off than before.

As for Egypt, they too were able to avoid the full wrath of Assyria, but this would not last. For the next time Assyria invaded, no plague could stop them, and in 671 BCE, they conquered the Egyptians.

Map of the Neo-Assyrian Empire and its expansions - dark green shows the empire in 824 BCE, light green in 671 BCE.

Map of the Neo-Assyrian Empire and its expansions – dark green shows the empire in 824 BCE, light green in 671 BCE. (Public Domain)

The Destruction of Sennacherib

In conclusion, I leave you with the famous poem by British poet Lord Byron titled “The Destruction of Sennacherib”, faithful to the Biblical account and a recounting of the history from a romantic perspective:

The Assyrian came down like the wolf on the fold,

And his cohorts were gleaming in purple and gold;

And the sheen of their spears was like stars on the sea,

When the blue wave rolls nightly on deep Galilee.

   Like the leaves of the forest when Summer is green,

That host with their banners at sunset were seen:

Like the leaves of the forest when Autumn hath blown,

That host on the morrow lay withered and strown.

   For the Angel of Death spread his wings on the blast,

And breathed in the face of the foe as he passed;

And the eyes of the sleepers waxed deadly and chill,

And their hearts but once heaved, and for ever grew still!

   And there lay the steed with his nostril all wide,

But through it there rolled not the breath of his pride;

And the foam of his gasping lay white on the turf,

And cold as the spray of the rock-beating surf.

   And there lay the rider distorted and pale,

With the dew on his brow, and the rust on his mail:

And the tents were all silent, the banners alone,

The lances unlifted, the trumpet unblown.

   And the widows of Ashur are loud in their wail,

And the idols are broke in the temple of Baal;

And the might of the Gentile, unsmote by the sword,

Hath melted like snow in the glance of the Lord!

Featured image: Assyrian relief of a horseman from Nimrud, now in the British Museum. “Battle scene, Assyrian, about 728 BC. (CC BY-SA 3.0)

By Cam Rea

References

Boardman, John, I. E. S. Edwards, and N. G. L. Hammond. The Cambridge Ancient History. The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires and Other States of the Near East, from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries B.C. Volume III, Part 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Bray, R. S. Armies of Pestilence: The Impact of Disease on History. Cambridge: James Clarke & Co, 2004.

Herodotus. The Histories. North Clarendon, VT: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1992.

Mayor, Adrienne. Greek Fire, Poison Arrows & Scorpion Bombs. Woodstock & New York: Overlook Duckworth, 2003.

The Sumerian Military: Professionals of Weaponry and Warfare

Between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, lies a land once known as Mesopotamia. It was here that humanity found suitable land to rip open and seed. Once the seeds took root, civilization was born.

With food slowly becoming abundant, the population increased and branched out. With prosperity, came external threats. Nomadic elements seeking further wealth encountered these communities and pillaged them. In doing so, they spread their parasitic-like sphere of influence, causing instability throughout the regions and cities of Mesopotamia. This instability gave rise to two things: the rise of the city-state and the professional soldier.

Creating a Civilization

Unlike pastoral societies that roam around looking for food, agriculturalists by teamed together, settling in one spot and growing their food.  In doing so they created a village, a society of their own. However, it takes more than farming to create a state.

After a few generations, people slowly began to build upon their knowledge of agriculture, animal husbandry, and writing. With all these skills and many more, villages gained a greater sense of the self. Such awareness allowed for the creation of law, trade, private property, social interest, internal order and a sense of self-identity. This allowed the Mesopotamian villages that dotted the landscape to evolve into a series of city-states.

Map showing the Tigris–Euphrates river system, which defines Mesopotamia.

Map showing the Tigris–Euphrates river system, which defines Mesopotamia. (CC BY-SA 2.5)

The Sumerians were the first to carve out a civilization in Mesopotamia. By the third millennium BCE, the land of Sumer consisted of a dozen or more city-states. These city-states were walled, and surrounded by suburban villages and hamlets.

Map with the locations of the main cities of Sumer and Elam. (Modern Iraq)

Map with the locations of the main cities of Sumer and Elam. (Modern Iraq) (CC BY-SA 3.0)

A reconstruction in the British Museum of headgear and necklaces worn by the women in some Sumerian graves.

A reconstruction in the British Museum of headgear and necklaces worn by the women in some Sumerian graves. (CC BY-SA 3.0)

The city-states of Sumer were centralized. Their centrally controlled society needed an administration to conduct the day-to-day redistribution of resources and to direct all social activity.

During the early period of Sumer history, there was a shared control over resources and social actives between the palace and temple. The temple controlled a great amount of land and exerted a powerful influence over the people. The palace authority controlled as much, if not more land than the temple.

This was fine until the palace was able to wield an even greater influence over the people. In doing so, the king was able to amalgamate the palace with the temple, in which the king saw himself as god’s own representative on earth. If god chooses the king, then the temple must obey. This placed the temple in a predicament. However, this does not mean there would never be strife again between the palace and temple authorities. So long as they existed side by side, the desire to control and hold a monopoly over the other’s institution was desirable, especially if one wished to control the masses.

Sumerian Military Structure

The earliest known evidence of a professional organized military comes from the Standard of Ur.  The Sumerian military structure in terms of rank is unknown. However, it is obvious that the king headed the army as depicted on “The Stele of Vultures.” Others who rode in chariots were likely, princes, nobles, and wealthy landowners, while the main body was primarily infantry.

Detail from the Standard of Ur – Infantrymen and High ranking chariot riders

Detail from the Standard of Ur – Infantrymen and High ranking chariot riders (Public Domain)

Conscription

The organization of the Sumerian forces is somewhat silent. The conscription of troops was comprised of corve’e (obligated) labor levied by the temple and palace to maintain the city-state. Not only was levied labor used for public works, it was also allocated for military service. The Shulgi inscription indicates that the allocation of levied labor for military service during times of war was common.

Tablet of Shulgi. This tablet glorifies king Shulgi and his victories on the Lullubi people and it mentions the modern-city of Erbil and the modern-district of Sulaymaniayh. 2111-2004 BCE.

Tablet of Shulgi. This tablet glorifies king Shulgi and his victories on the Lullubi people and it mentions the modern-city of Erbil and the modern-district of Sulaymaniayh. 2111-2004 BCE. (CC BY-SA 4.0)

One inscription from the 21st/20th century BCE, during the Third Dynasty of Ur, also known as the Neo-Sumerian Empire, gives one a glimpse in the recruitment. A king named Shulgi recorded that ‘‘the year the citizens of Ur were conscripted as spearmen.’’ He continues and describes his ‘‘conscription with the bow and arrow; nobody evaded it – the levy being one man per family.’’ Even though this inscription came later in Sumer’s history, it does provide a glimpse in military recruitment.

A half-mina weight (248 g.), bearing the name of king Shulgi.

A half-mina weight (248 g.), bearing the name of king Shulgi. (Public Domain)

The amount of men capable of being conscripted varied. A city-state, including the surrounding territory under the local king’s control, with a population roughly between 30,000 to 35,000 people could field an army between 4,000 and 5,000 men during an emergency. However, the men conscripted into service were not capable of fighting on a professional level, for training, organizing, and disciplining the men to enable them to fight as a cohesive unit would have taken far too long. The training of a conscript was very short and rudimentary in both arms and tactics.

The Professional

Summary account of silver for the governor written in Sumerian Cuneiform on a clay tablet. From Shuruppak, Iraq, circa 2500 BCE.

Summary account of silver for the governor written in Sumerian Cuneiform on a clay tablet. From Shuruppak, Iraq, circa 2500 BCE. (Public Domain)

The professional fighting force consisted of infantry and chariots. The Tablets of Shuruppak (2600 BC) is a much earlier Sumerian text, which describes that the kings of the city-states provided for the full-time maintenance of 600 to 700 soldiers. Sumerian city-states were roughly 1,800 square miles (4660 sq km). Such space could sustain a population size between 30,000 to 35,000 people. A population this size could field a fighting force of 4,000 to 5,000. To gain a better picture of the Sumerian infantry, look no further than to “The Stele of the Vultures” from the Early Dynastic III period (2600–2350 BCE).

Fragment of the Stele of the Vultures showing marching warriors, Early Dynastic III period, 2600–2350 BC

Fragment of the Stele of the Vultures showing marching warriors, Early Dynastic III period, 2600–2350 BC (CC BY-SA 3.0)

The Stele of the Vultures shows a victory celebration of King Eannatum of Lagash over his neighbor Umma. This stele displays a well-organized, professional infantry in the phalanx-like formation. Notice that they wear helmets, have large shields that cover the body from chin to ankle, and they wear leather-armored cloaks with what appears to have copper or bronze disks attached. Notice that some of the infantry are carrying long spears while others carry axes. The king in front of the formation carries a throwing stick.

Stele of the Vultures detail.

Stele of the Vultures detail.

Sumerian Arms

The basic arms carried were maces, daggers, spears, javelins, throwing sticks and much more.

The mace is one of the oldest weapons in mankind’s arsenal and a direct descendent of the club. The Sumerian mace was made of stone and often had the shape of a pear. The mace was effective in crushing bone, particularly the skull of the enemy. However, the utilization of the mace would fall out of favor as a preferred weapon with the donning of the helmet.

“This is a variegated red stone, globular mace head. Similar to the piriform mace head, this style was commonly used in Mesopotamia around 2450-1900 BC. These type mace heads would have been attached to a wooden shaft and used as a weapon to strike an enemy.”

“This is a variegated red stone, globular mace head. Similar to the piriform mace head, this style was commonly used in Mesopotamia around 2450-1900 BC. These type mace heads would have been attached to a wooden shaft and used as a weapon to strike an enemy.” (Aaron Newcomer/CC BY-ND 2.0)

The dagger was a double-edged blade weapon used for close combat. The length of the dagger was between eight to 12 inches (20 to 30 cm). This weapon was eventually replaced by the sword.

The spear was the same height or slightly smaller than a man. It had a socketed blade and the spearhead was made of either bronze or copper. Other spears had blunted ends. The purpose for this weapon was twofold. Its first purpose is not to inflict injury but to push back against the enemy’s shields, thus keeping distance between the two combatants. Its second purpose and most important, was the hook on the blunted spear was used to hook the rim of the enemy’s shield and dislodge it, thus leaving the combatant unprotected and as such he could be slain with the dagger or sword.

Javelins were much shorter than spears, and the points were made of either bronze or copper. Javelins could be thrown by hand while others had a leather throwing thong at the butt called a ankyle.

Axe heads were made of bronze, which slipped over the end of the shaft and was affixed with rivets. This innovation gave the axe a greater degree of strength. However, after 2500 BCE, the Sumerians developed another type of axe, which was heavier. The axe head had a much narrower blade attached to a much stronger socket, giving it the ability to penetrate bronze armor. Studies show that this new axe could generate 77.5 foot-pounds of impact energy. It only required 66 foot-pounds to penetrate the armor.

The throwing stick is a club which can be straight or curved and was designed to be thrown. One end of the stick was made heavier than the other, but both ends were shaved down into points. That gave the weapon a greater degree of momentum when thrown, and provided stability during trajectory. The reason for this is that when the stick made contact with the intended target, the energy upon impact was concentrated, and delivered through the point. An example of this can be found on the Stele of Vultures, which shows King Eannatum carrying an item in his hand that is in dispute.

Detail of the "battle" fragment.

Detail of the “battle” fragment. (CC BY-SA 3.0)

One could say he is represented carrying a mace, scepter, or reins. Upon closer observation, it appears that Eannatum is carrying a throwing stick. Sumerians did use sickle swords but not until the Iron Age.

Sumerian Armor and Chariot

The Sumerian shield appears to be a rectangular body shield as demonstrated by the Stele of Vultures. Unfortunately, no surviving Sumerian shields exist. The closest resemblance to the Sumerian shield was the discovery of the Mari shield. The Mari shield was made of reeds covered in hide but had no boss in the center, unlike the Sumerian shields depicted in the Stele. The Sumerian shield depicted in the stele appears to have six bosses when in fact it only has one. Upon closer examination, each individual is holding the spear with two hands.

Stele of Vultures detail.

Stele of Vultures detail.

However, it is possible that a shield bearer is holding the shield. Another alternative, which appears more plausible, is that the spearman is using a neck strap to hold the shield in place.

Detail of Sumerian stele.

Detail of Sumerian stele. (CC BY-SA 2.0)

The Sumerian helmet was a copper hat that was roughly two to three millimeters thick, fitting over a leather or wool cap, which provided another four millimeters of protection. In total, the helmet was a quarter of an inch thick. Some may speculate as to why the Sumerian soldier was fitted with a copper, rather than a bronze helmet. This may be due to the fact that the Sumerians had not developed the ability due to the difficulty in casting such a mold to fit the shape of a wearers head.

The Sumerian cloak depicted in the Stele of the Vultures appears to be ordinary. On closer inspection, the cloak seems to have been made of cloth or thin leather with metal disks, possibly bronze or copper, sewn into the fabric. The purpose for this is obvious— to thwart spear blows to torso. More importantly, this is the first depiction of body armor.

When it comes to the chariot, one must be careful when using the word ‘chariot’ when dealing with the Sumerians. What appears to be a chariot is not; it lacks the refinements of a true chariot. To the Sumerians, this vehicle was a “battle car.” Another vehicle brought to battle was a “straddle car.” This straddle car was a cabless platform in which the driver had to balance himself by straddling the car. Both vehicles were either four-wheeled or two and required four wild asses to pull them. Very different from their future replacements, but for the time, they did their job.

Detail, Relief of early war wagons on the Standard of Ur, c. 2500 BC

Detail, Relief of early war wagons on the Standard of Ur, c. 2500 BC (Public Domain)

The Sumerian chariot was crude but innovative for its day. In all likelihood its early use was for the king and nobles. There is indication later on that Lugalzagesi (or Lugal-Zage-Si), the last Sumerian king, boasted that his vassals could provide him 600 battle-cars for war. However, it is recorded that the king of city-state of Umma had an elite unit of 60 battle-cars at his beck and call. This is the only evidence which gives detail into the number of vehicles by any state for war.

The Sumerian battle-car, cumbersome and slow as it would have been, was used for shock troops. The arms of the charioteer were the javelin or axe. Moreover, the vehicle likely transported its heavy infantry to the battlefield. Overall, the Sumerian battle-car was indeed slow, but provided mobility for the infantry and delivered shock to the enemy.

Further information on the military organization of the Sumerian military is vague at best. However, understand that the idea of a Sumerian military organization is generic. In other words, the Sumerian civilization was just that—a civilization consisting of a series of independent city-states. Some Sumerian kings controlled just one city-state, while others held multiple city-states under their control. Therefore, the number of troops a single king could field varied. This also applies to the amount of professional troops under the command of the king. Some kings could afford many, while many more could not.

As for battlefield performance, it would not be unreasonable to think that the conscripted men, who made up the bulk of the Sumerian fighting force, were primarily used since the professional soldier was far costlier to lose and fewer in number. Not only was the professional crucial in determining the outcome of the battle, but he also was crucial in keeping the peace within the city and most importantly, needed to protect the king. While increasing the ranks of professionals sounds lucrative from a position of security, it was too expensive. The costs to pay, feed, and equip the professional soldier, especially increasing their numbers, were too much. It was far cheaper to rely on temporary conscription. However, this would not last, for Eannatum, King of Lagash (circa 2455-2425 BCE), established the first Mesopotamian empire in history through constant warring.

Battle scene with horsemen, Assyrian, about 728 BC, from Nimrud.

Battle scene with horsemen, Assyrian, about 728 BC, from Nimrud. (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Eannatum’s conquest of Elam gave him the resources needed to provide an army on the march. The lands of Elam were rich in timber, precious metals, and stone. Such lucrative resources brought forth more wealth from which he could draw from to pay his soldiers and to expand the ranks to aid in his desires for further conquest. Eannatum would be the first of many in the history of warfare who conquered to confiscate the wealth of those subjugated to grease the wheels of their armies.

One fragment of the victory stele of the king Eannatum of Lagash over Umma. It depicts severed human heads in the beaks of vultures, and a fragment of cuneiform script.

One fragment of the victory stele of the king Eannatum of Lagash over Umma. It depicts severed human heads in the beaks of vultures, and a fragment of cuneiform script. (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Top Image: Standard of Ur, 26th century BC, “War” panel. (Public Domain)

By Cam Rea

References

“Weapons found in the Royal Tombs of Ur”. (2016) SumerianShakespeare.com [Online] Available at:  http://sumerianshakespeare.com/117701/118301.html

Black, Jeremy A. The literature of ancient Sumer. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.

Chew, Sing C. World Ecological Degradation: Accumulation, Urbanization, and Deforestation 3000 B.C. – 2000 A.D. Walnut Greek: AltaMira Press, 2001.

Gabriel, Richard A. The Great Armies of Antiquity. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2002.

The Ancient World. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2007.

Howard, Dan. Bronze Age Military Equipment. Barnsley: Pen & Sword Military, 2011.

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